- အစိုးရ၀န္ၾကီး ၃ ဦး ဖိတ္လုိ႔ ဦးဟန္ေညာင္ေ၀ ျမန္မာျပည္သြားတဲ့စာသား သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္သတင္းစဥ္က ဆင္ဆာလုပ္
(ဒိန္ဖန္ခူးေရးသည္)
ျမန္မာအစိုးရ
၀န္ၾကီး ၃ ဦးရဲ႔ ဖိတ္ၾကားခ်က္ေၾကာင့္ ဦးဟန္ေညာင္ေ၀ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံသြားတာ
ျဖစ္တဲ့အေၾကာင္း ေအာက္တိုဘာ ၃၁ ရက္ေန႔စြဲနဲ႔ သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္ သတင္းဌာနကေန
သူ႔၀က္ဆုိက္မွာ အဂၤလိပ္ဘာသာနဲ႔ သတင္းထုတ္ ျပန္ပါတယ္။ ဒီ မူရင္းသတင္းမွာ
ေအာက္ပါ စာပုိဒ္ထဲ့ထားပါတယ္
ဦးဟန္ေညာင္ေ၀ၾကံဳေတြ႔ရတဲ့ျပႆနာက
ျမန္မာသံရုံးကုိ ဗီဇာေလွ်ာက္တုံးကသာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဦးဟန္ေညာင္ေ၀
ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံသြားမဲ့ခရီးစဥ္ဟာ ျမန္မာ၀န္ၾကီး သုံးဦးရဲ႔
ဖိတ္ၾကားခ်က္ေၾကာင့္ပါလုိ႔ ေျပာတာေတာင္ ဦးဟန္ေညာင္ေ၀ဟာ ျမန္မာအစိုးရက
လက္မခံႏုိင္တဲ့ပုဂၢိဳလ္ဆုိတဲ့ အဆင့္အတန္း (Persona non grata)
သတ္မွတ္ခံထားရသူ ျဖစ္တဲ့အေၾကာင္း ျမန္မာသံရုံးက ေျပာတယ္လုိ႔
သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္က ေရးထားပါတယ္။
ဒါေပမဲ့ ႏုိ၀င္ဘာ ၄
ရက္ေန႔ သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္ ၀က္ဆုိက္ကုိၾကည့္တဲ့အခါ ဦးဟန္ေညာင္ေ၀သတင္းမွာ
အထက္က စာပုိဒ္ကုိ ျဖဳတ္ထားတာ ေတြ႔ရပါတယ္။ ဘာေၾကာင့္ျဖဳတ္ရတယ္ဆုိတာလဲ
ရွင္းျပထားတာ မေတြ႔ရပါ။ ဦးဟန္ေညာင္ေ၀ရဲ႔ သိကၡာဆည္ဖို႔အတြက္ ျဖဳတ္ေပးတာလား
ကာယကံရွင္က ဖိအားေပးလုိ႔လားဆုိတာလည္း မသိရပါ။
ဒါေပမဲ့
ဘယ္ျမန္မာ၀န္ၾကီး ၃ ဦးက ဖိတ္ၾကားထားတာျဖစ္တယ္၊ ဘယ္ႏုိင္ငံရွိ
ျမန္မာသံရံုံးကေျပာတယ္စတဲ့ အေသးစိတ္အခ်က္ေတြကုိေတာ့ သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္က
ေရးမထားပါဘူး။
ေနာက္ဆုံး အာမခံတဲ့ ျမန္မာ၀န္ၾကီးတဦးအမည္ကုိ
ခ်ေရးေပးေတာ့မွ ျမန္မာသံရုံးက ဗီဇာထုတ္ေပးတယ္လုိ႔ သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္သတင္းမွာ
ေဖာ္ျပထားပါတယ္။ ဒီအေၾကာင္းလဲ ႏုိ၀င္ဘာ ၄ ရက္မွာ update လုပ္ထားတဲ့
သတင္းမွာ ျပန္မပါေတာ့ပါ။
ဦးဟန္ေညာင္ေ၀ဟာ ရန္ကုန္မွာရွိစဥ္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ႔ ေတြ႔ခြင့္ရေရးအတြက္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ရဲ့ အနီးကပ္
လုပ္ေဖာ္ကုိင္ဘက္တဦး အကူအညီနဲ႔ အျပင္းအထန္ၾကိဳးစားခဲ့ေပမဲ့
ေတြ႔ခြင့္မရခဲ့ပါဘူး။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ရဲ့ အနီးကပ္ လုပ္ေဘာ္ကုိင္ဘက္ရဲ့
အမည္ကုိ ေျပာျပဖို႔ ဦးဟန္ေညာင္ေ၀က ျငင္းဆန္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ရဲ့ အနီးကပ္ လုပ္ေဖာ္ကုိင္ဘက္က ဦးဟန္ေညာင္ေ၀ကုိ ျပန္ေျပာတာက ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုအေနနဲ႔
ဦးဟန္ေညာင္ေ၀ကုိ ယုံၾကည္ဖို႔လုိေသးတယ္လို႔ ေျပာတဲ့အေၾကာင္း ဦးဟန္ေညာင္ေ၀က သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္ကုိ ေျပာျပပါတယ္။
မူရင္း အဂၤလိပ္လုိေရးထားတဲ့သတင္းကုိ ေအာက္မွာ ဖတ္ႏုိင္ပါတယ္။
He
regarded his 8-day visit to Burma, 20-28 October, as a fruitful
eye-opener, said Harn Yawnghwe, director of Brussels-based Euro-Burma
Office (EBO) and youngest son of the late first President of Burma who
went into exile with his mother in 1963.
The
only problem he faced was when he applied for his visa. Despite being
invited by three ministers, he was technically still a persona non
grata, the embassy told him. It was finally issued, only after he had
put down a minister’s name as his guarantor.
If there were any more misgivings, he was discouraged from them when he arrived there.
There were only two fixed items on his agenda: To visit his hometown
Yawnghwe, once the seat of one of the most powerful Shan princedoms, and
Rangoon, where he went to school. But it turned out most of his time
there were filled up by a flurry of meetings with 12 political parties
and a number of high ranking regime officials.
“I didn’t meet anybody saying anything negative about what’s taking place in Burma,” he remembered.
* One senior police officer: This is just what we’ve been waiting for so long.
* An Inlay shopkeeper: Since you are back after all these years, things must be moving for the better for our country.
* A Shan Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP) leading member: Since
the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) is made up of all
national races, including Shans, cooperation is better than expected
earlier.
The parties
Apart from the SNDP, he also held meetings with 5 democracy parties,
remaining 4 Nationalities Brotherhood parties and the deregistered Shan
Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD). “All seemed to be saying
three things to me:
* The government under U Thein Sein leadership is really working for change
* Change won’t come easy. Old systems and laws are still in place.
It’ll take some time before new systems and laws can move in. The new
labor act, for instance, came into being because of the assistance by
the ILO. It means exiles can take part in drafting new laws. And it
should not be considered as propping up the old regime, but as help
strengthening democracy in the country.
* Support and encouragement therefore are needed to make the changes in the making irreversible”
He earlier told Financial Times, “They have decided to change. It’s
not what we called for, but there are changes. Even if they are
pretending to change, we should push them so the change becomes
irreversible.”
The NLD
His argument found an ally at least in the National League for
Democracy’s U Win Tin. “Our line of thinking does not differ from
yours,” Harn was told.
“Unfortunately, I didn’t get the chance to meet The Lady, despite
tireless efforts made by one of her close associates,” he said.
He declined to name the said close associate, but said he is one of
her intimates who still carries deep mistrust of Thein Sein. “She told
me I need to have trust in him,” he said to Harn.
The ruling class
Without doubt, the country’s top leadership is made up of two
factions, divided by conflicting personal feelings and ways of thinking,
according to him:
The Gang of Four:
Vice President #1 Tin Aung Myint Oo
Upper House Speaker Khin Aung Myint
Information Minister Kyaw Hsan
Finance Minister Hla Tun
“They have reportedly urged the Senior General (Than Shwe) to stage a
comeback, but unless Thein Sein makes a big blunder thereby giving him
sufficient excuse, it is unlikely he will return”, he reasoned.
The “Reformists”:
President Thein Sein
Lower House Speaker Thura Shwe Mann
Railway Transport Minister Aung Min
Industry #1 Minister Soe Thein
(and
surprise, surprise) Electric Power Minister Zaw Min(whose declaration
“not to back off” from the Myitsone project had triggered a series of
popular actions culminating in its suspension)
“However, the fence sitters are still the majority in the top
echelon, I was told,” he said. “They are naturally waiting to see which
direction the wind is blowing before they make up their minds.”
Peace talks
Negotiations for a renewed ceasefire are conducted by a team led by U
Aung Thaung, USDP Secretary #1 and U Thein Zaw, Chairman of Lower House
National Races Affairs and Internal Peace making committee, on the
Sino-Burmese front. It has notable but not surprising success with the
Wa and Mongla groups, but “nothing but love” with the Kachins. Despite
negotiations since June, war between the two has intensified much to the
chagrin of the local populace.
“An alternative for the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), if it
is not held up by the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) the
alliance of which it is the leading member, is to propose to Naypyitaw
for an appointment of a new negotiating team,” said Harn.
Coincidentally, on the Thailand-Burma side, another team led by U
Aung Min had been seeking out appointments with the armed groups along
the border. It had already met the Karen National Union on 9 October
2011, though details have yet to be disclosed. A source said the Karens
were impressed with Aung Min who used to serve on the Karen front.
Harn Yawnghwe, while in Rangoon on Thursday, 27 October, told the 5
democracy parties “he would try to help in making peace in ethnic
areas,” reported Mizzima News quoting Nayyi Ba Swe, daughter of former
prime minister U Ba Swe.
“I was asked (by a regime official) what I thought of about its
‘group-by-group’ approach, shunning the UNFC approach,” Harn recalled.
“I told them at the initial level which is for conclusion of ceasefire
agreements, it should be okay to deal groupwise. But when it comes to
political negotiations, all stakeholders should be invited.”
He said he had also urged the government to release the political
prisoners as soon as possible, so to dispel the lingering doubts, if
nothing else.
Other opposition movements meanwhile are making a 3 point call:
Release of all political prisoners, nationwide ceasefire and inclusive
dialogue.
update လုပ္ထားတဲ့သတင္းကုိ ေအာက္မွာ ဖတ္ပါ
Monday, 31 October 2011 13:35
S.H.A.N.
He regarded his 8-day visit to Burma, 20-28 October, as a fruitful
eye-opener, said Harn Yawnghwe, director of Brussels-based Euro-Burma
Office (EBO) and youngest son of the late first President of Burma who
went into exile with his mother in 1963.

Harn Yawnghwe with his daughter arriving in Rangoon
There
were only two fixed items on his agenda: To visit his hometown
Yawnghwe, once the seat of one of the most powerful Shan princedoms, and
Rangoon, where he went to school. But it turned out most of his time
there were filled up by a flurry of meetings with 12 political parties
and a number of high ranking regime officials.
“I didn’t meet anybody saying anything negative about what’s taking place in Burma,” he remembered.
- One senior police officer: This is just what we’ve been waiting for so long.
- An Inlay shopkeeper: Since you are back after all these years, things must be moving for the better for our country.
- A Shan Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP) leading member: Since
the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) is made up of all
national races, including Shans, cooperation is better than expected
earlier.
The parties
Apart from the SNDP, he also held meetings with 5 democracy parties,
remaining 4 Nationalities Brotherhood parties and the deregistered Shan
Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD). “All seemed to be saying
three things to me:
- The government under U Thein Sein leadership is really working for change
- Change won’t come easy. Old systems and laws are still in place.
It’ll take some time before new systems and laws can move in. The new
labor act, for instance, came into being because of the assistance by
the ILO. It means exiles can take part in drafting new laws. And it
should not be considered as propping up the old regime, but as help
strengthening democracy in the country.
- Support and encouragement therefore are needed to make the changes in the making irreversible”
He earlier told Financial Times, “They have decided to change. It’s
not what we called for, but there are changes. Even if they are
pretending to change, we should push them so the change becomes
irreversible.”
The NLD
His argument found an ally at least in the National League for
Democracy’s U Win Tin. “Our line of thinking does not differ from
yours,” Harn was told.
“Unfortunately, I didn’t get the chance to meet The Lady, despite
tireless efforts made by one of her close associates,” he said.
He declined to name the said close associate, but said he is one of her intimates who still carries deep mistrust of Thein Sein.
The ruling class
Without doubt, the country’s top leadership is made up of two
factions, divided by conflicting personal feelings and ways of thinking,
according to him.
“However, the fence sitters are still the majority in the top
echelon, I was told,” he said. “They are naturally waiting to see which
direction the wind is blowing before they make up their minds.”
Peace talks
Negotiations for a renewed ceasefire are conducted by a team led by U
Aung Thaung, USDP Secretary #1 and U Thein Zaw, Chairman of Lower House
National Races Affairs and Internal Peace making committee, on the
Sino-Burmese front. It has notable but not surprising success with the
Wa and Mongla groups, but “nothing but love” with the Kachins. Despite
negotiations since June, war between the two has intensified much to the
chagrin of the local populace.
“An alternative for the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), if it
is not held up by the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) the
alliance of which it is the leading member, is to propose to Naypyitaw
for an appointment of a new negotiating team,” said Harn.
Coincidentally, on the Thailand-Burma side, another team led by U
Aung Min had been seeking out appointments with the armed groups along
the border. It had already met the Karen National Union on 9 October
2011, though details have yet to be disclosed. A source said the Karens
were impressed with Aung Min who used to serve on the Karen front.
Harn Yawnghwe, while in Rangoon on Thursday, 27 October, told the 5
democracy parties “he would try to help in making peace in ethnic
areas,” reported Mizzima News quoting Nayyi Ba Swe, daughter of former
prime minister U Ba Swe.
“I was asked (by a regime official) what I thought of about its
‘group-by-group’ approach, shunning the UNFC approach,” Harn recalled.
“I told them at the initial level which is for conclusion of ceasefire
agreements, it should be okay to deal groupwise. But when it comes to
political negotiations, all stakeholders should be invited.”
He said he had also urged the government to release the political
prisoners as soon as possible, so to dispel the lingering doubts, if
nothing else.
Other opposition movements meanwhile are making a 3 point call:
Release of all political prisoners, nationwide ceasefire and inclusive
dialogue.
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